IΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΕΡΕΥΝΑΣ ΤΗΣ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΟΛΟΓΙΑΣ

ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΑΣ

Ο ευρωπαϊκός Διαφωτισμός (18ος αιώνας) υπήρξε το καθοριστικό εκείνο γεγονός που συντέλεσε στο διαχωρισμό της θρησκείας από τη φιλοσοφία, ένας διαχωρισμός ο οποίος, με εφαλτήριο τους Γάλλους εγκυκλοπαιδιστές, τον αγγλικό Δεϊσμό (φυσική θρησκεία) και τη γερμανική φιλοσοφία, όπως τη φιλοσοφία του Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768-1834), οδήγησε στη δημιουργία και ανάπτυξη ενός αυτόνομου κλάδου προσέγγισης των θρησκευτικών πεποιθήσεων, αυτού της φιλοσοφίας της θρησκείας. Η φιλοσοφία της θρησκείας εφαρμόζει τις θεωρητικές αρχές της λογικοκρατίας στα ίδια ακριβώς ερωτήματα που απασχολούν και τη θρησκεία: στο ζήτημα της ύπαρξης θεού και της σχέσης του με τον κόσμο (μεταφυσική), στη δυνατότητα του ανθρώπου να γίνει κοινωνός αυτής της γνώσης (επιστημολογία), και στον καθορισμό ενός συστήματος αξιών (ηθική), επιχειρώντας, όμως, μια αποστασιοποίηση από τις όποιες δογματικές προκαταλήψεις.

ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΑΣ

Με τη φιλολογική κριτική των ιερών κειμένων του Χριστιανισμού από τους ανθρωπιστές της Αναγέννησης και αποκορύφωμα την κριτική έκδοση της Καινής Διαθήκης από τον Έρασμο (1516) η θεολογία του 19ου αιώνα βιώνει μια υπαρξιακή κρίση. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό τοποθετείται η γέννηση της Θρησκειοϊστορικής Σχολής (Wilhelm Bousset, 1865–1920• Hermann Gunkel, 1862–1932), που ξεκίνησε ως μια φιλολογική κριτική της Παλαιάς και Καινής Διαθήκης, μέσα στους κόλπους των προτεσταντικών θεολογικών σχολών της Γερμανίας, για να συνεχίσει με την έρευνα της σχέσης του αρχέγονου Χριστιανισμού με τον Ιουδαϊσμό και τον Ελληνισμό, συμβάλλοντας, έτσι, στο διαχωρισμό του θεολογικού δόγματος από τη μελέτη της θρησκευτικής ιστορίας, της πίστης από την ιστορία. Από την ιστορική καταγραφή της θρησκείας ως ουσίας (ουσιοκρατία) της Θρησκειοϊστορικής Σχολής απομακρύνεται η Ιταλική Σχολή (Raffaele Pettazzoni, 1883-1959• Ugo Bianchi, 1922–1995), η οποία, με μια σύγκριση αναλογικού και διαλεκτικού τύπου, προβαίνει στην ιστορική μελέτη των θρησκευτικών και λατρευτικών εκδηλώσεων των θρησκειών της αρχαιότητας, σε διάφορες εποχές, συγχρονικά και διαχρονικά, με τη συνδρομή της αρχαιολογίας και της εικονογραφίας.

ΦΑΙΝΟΜΕΝΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΑΣ

Άμεσα επηρεασμένη από τη φαινομενολογική φιλοσοφία του Edmund Husserl (1859-1938), η φαινομενολογία της θρησκείας διατείνεται ότι η θρησκεία εκδηλώνεται στον κόσμο ως έκφανση της θρησκευτικής εμπειρίας, η οποία, αν και βιώνεται διαφορετικά από τον κάθε πολιτισμό, αποτελεί, ωστόσο, φαινόμενο της μιας και μοναδικής ουσίας της, του ιερού (Rudolf Otto, 1869-1937• Gerardus van der Leeuw, 1890-1950• Mircea Eliade, 1907-1986). Η θρησκεία συνιστά, με τον τρόπο αυτό, μια sui generis κατηγορία, καθώς δεν διακρίνεται αναγωγικά σε επιμέρους κατηγορίες (αντιαναγωγισμός), ούτε και μπορεί να ερευνηθεί σε βάθος από άλλες επιστήμες (όπως την κοινωνιολογία ή την ψυχολογία). Ο φαινομενολόγος θα πρέπει να ακολουθήσει ορισμένα στάδια, με στόχο την κατανόηση και την περιγραφή, όχι, όμως, και την εξήγηση, των μοναδικών προσβάσιμων στοιχείων που διαθέτει, των θρησκευτικών εμπειριών. Βασικές μεθοδολογικές αρχές είναι η αποστασιοποίηση του ερευνητή από το προσωπικό του σύστημα πεποιθήσεων και τις επιστημονολογικές ερμηνείες της εποχής του (απαγκίστρωση), και η ανάπτυξη μιας συμπαθητικής σχέσης με το αντικείμενο της έρευνάς του. Στόχος είναι η περιγραφή των θρησκευτικών εμπειριών και η κατανόηση του τρόπου με τον οποίο αυτές γίνονται αντιληπτές από τον πιστό. Τα θρησκευτικά φαινόμενα, αφού κατηγοριοποιηθούν τυπολογικά ή μορφολογικά, στη συνέχεια συγκρίνονται με αντίστοιχες τυπολογικές κατηγορίες από διάφορες άλλες εθνογραφικές καταγραφές.

ΣΥΓΚΡΙΤΙΚΗ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΟΛΟΓΙΑ

Ο ευρωπαϊκός ιμπεριαλισμός του 19ου αιώνα, με το αποικιοκρατικό του πνεύμα, και η ανάπτυξη των φυσικών επιστημών και της εξελικτικής βιολογίας του Κάρολου Δαρβίνου (1809–1882) διαμόρφωσαν μια υλιστική ιδεολογία που έδωσε ώθηση στην ανάπτυξη της συγκριτικής θρησκειολογίας. Η συγκριτική θρησκειολογία προβαίνει στη σύγκριση πλήθους εθνογραφικών μαρτυριών, που πηγάζουν από την επιτόπια έρευνα και παρατήρηση των κατακτημένων λαών, ενώ υποκινείται από την αντίληψη ότι οι λαοί αυτοί είναι πρωτόγονοι εξελικτικά σε σχέση με την προηγμένη πολιτιστικά Δύση και η μελέτη τους δεν είναι τίποτε άλλο παρά μια μελέτη της παιδικής ηλικίας της ανθρωπότητας. Βασική της αρχή είναι ότι θρησκεία δεν συνιστά παρά μια προσπάθεια της ανθρώπινης νόησης να δώσει μια εξήγηση στα φυσικά φαινόμενα. Στους κόλπους της συγκριτικής θρησκειολογίας διαμορφώθηκαν δύο αντικρουόμενες σχολές σκέψεως• η φιλοσοφική σχολή του Friedrich Max Müller (1823-1900), που υποστήριζε την προτεραιότητα του μύθου από την τελετουργία, κυρίως υπό το φως της φιλολογικής μελέτης των ιερών κειμένων της Ανατολής, και η αγγλική ανθρωπολογική σχολή, με πρωτοπόρους τον Wilhelm Mannhardt (1831-1880) και τον James George Frazer (1854-1941) και γνώρισμα τη σύγκριση σύγχρονων εθνογραφικών στοιχείων με τις φιλολογικές πηγές των θρησκειών της αρχαιότητας, τονίζοντας την προτεραιότητα της τελετουργίας έναντι του μύθου. Στο ρεύμα της αγγλικής ανθρωπολογίας ανήκει και η Σχολή του Cambridge (Jane Hellen Harrison, 1850-1928• Gilbert Murray, 1866–1957• Francis Cornford, 1874–1943• Arthur Bernard Cook, 1868–1952), η οποία ανέγνωσε την ελληνική και ρωμαϊκή μυθολογία κάτω από το πρίσμα των πρωτόγονων τελετουργιών που συνδέονται με το φυσικό κύκλο της ζωής.

Διάφορες εξελικτικές θεωρίες διατυπώθηκαν από τους ανθρωπολόγους στην προσπάθειά τους να καθορίσουν την αρχέγονη θρησκεία, όπως η θεωρία του τοτεμισμού (William Robertson Smith, 1846–1894• James George Frazer), του ανιμισμού (Edward B. Tylor, 1832-1917), του προανιμισμού, μανισμού (προγονολατρεία) ή δυναμισμού (Robert R. Marett, 1866–1943• Herbert Spencer, 1820–1903), του πρωτομονοθεϊσμού (Wilhelm Schmidt, 1868-1954• Andrew Lang, 1844-1912). Έκδοχα της σχολής αυτής είναι η θεωρία των επιβιωμάτων, που υποστηρίζει ότι κάθε στάδιο εξέλιξης του πολιτισμού αφήνει κατάλοιπα στοιχεία στο αμέσως επόμενο ανελικτικό του στάδιο, και η θεωρία της διασποράς, που πρεσβεύει ότι στοιχεία ενός ή περισσότερων αρχέγονων πολιτισμών επεκτάθηκαν γεωγραφικά σε άλλες περιοχές, μέσω του εμπορίου, της μετανάστευσης ή των κατακτήσεων. Οι παραπάνω θεωρήσεις εφαρμόζονται όχι μόνο στη μελέτη της θρησκείας των κατακτημένων, από τους αποικιοκράτες, λαών, αλλά και των "παγανιστικών" εθίμων των διάφορων αγροτικών πληθυσμών της Ευρώπης (Wilhelm Mannhardt). Η εθνογραφική γνωριμία της Ευρώπης με τους "νέο-ανακαλυφθέντες" πολιτισμούς συνέβαλε σε μια σημαντική αλλαγή, στη στροφή της θρησκειολογίας από τις αφηρημένες και εξιδανικευμένες φιλοσοφικές και φαινομενολογικές συγκρίσεις των παγκόσμιων θρησκειών στην εξέταση θρησκειών τοπικά περιορισμένων κοινωνιών.

ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΑΣ

Η κοινωνιολογία της θρησκείας οφείλει πολλά στην ανθρωπολογική, εθνογραφική και δημογραφική μελέτη μικρο-κοινωνιών. Η θρησκεία προέρχεται και είναι άμεσα συνδεδεμένη με την κοινωνία, ως σύνολο και ως σύστημα, ενώ δεν προσεγγίζεται με μια αναγωγή στο άτομο, αλλά στις κοινωνικές δομές. Οι τελετουργίες είναι απαραίτητες για την ενίσχυση των κοινωνικών αξιών και αποτελούν το μέσο με το οποίο οι κοινωνικές σχέσεις αναπαρίστανται και συμβολίζονται, καθώς δημιουργούνται σε καταστάσεις συναισθηματικής φόρτισης, που απαντώνται μόνο στις συλλογικές τελετουργίες. Οι τελετουργίες, λοιπόν, εξυπηρετούν κοινωνικούς σκοπούς, αυτούς της συλλογικής συνοχής, της ενότητας και του κοινωνικού αυτοπροσδιορισμού, παράγοντας αλληλεγγύη και συντελώντας στην τήρηση της κοινωνικής τάξης (Émile Durkheim, 1858–1917• Marcel Mauss, 1872–1950).

Το λειτουργικό αυτό μοντέλο του Émile Durkheim (λειτουργισμός) επηρέασε και τις αντίστοιχες θέσεις του κοινωνιολόγου Talcott Parsons (1902–1979), αλλά και την ανθρωπολογία της θρησκείας, που μετατρέπεται τώρα σε μια κοινωνική ανθρωπολογία. Η κοινωνία είναι μια ιεραρχία των ανθρώπινων αναγκών, τόσο των βιολογικών όσο και των πολιτισμικών, και οι θρησκευτικές τελετουργίες και πεποιθήσεις υπάρχουν (λειτουργούν) για να εξυπηρετούν αυτές τις ανάγκες (Bronisław K. Malinowski, 1884–1942• Alfred Radcliffe-Brown, 1881-1955• Arnold van Gennep, 1873-1957). Ο λειτουργισμός γνώρισε ιδιαίτερη απήχηση στην ερμηνεία των τελετουργιών των αρχαίων μεσογειακών λαών. Η ιερή θυσία αποτελεί μια μορφή θεσμοθετημένης βίας, καθώς εκτονώνει την κοινωνική βία, συγκρατώντας την εντός επιτρεπτών ορίων και διατηρώντας τις κοινωνικές ισορροπίες (René Girard• Walter Burkert). Η στροφή του λειτουργισμού από τη μελέτη της δομής των θρησκευτικών πεποιθήσεων και πρακτικών στην έρευνα του νοήματός τους σηματοδοτείται από το έργο του Edward E. Evans-Pritchard (1902–1973) και βρίσκει έκφραση στην επιστήμη της συμβολικής, της ερμηνευτικής του νοήματος των θρησκευτικών συμβόλων, ως μέρος του συστήματος του πολιτισμού (Victor W. Turner, 1920-1983• Mary Douglas, 1921–2007• Clifford Geertz, 1926–2006).

Η οικονομία, ως ένα υποσύνολο του ευρύτερου κοινωνικού συνόλου, αποτελεί ένα ακόμη εργαλείο για τη διατύπωση κοινωνιολογικών θεωριών σχετικά με τη συμβολή της στην κατασκευή της θρησκείας (Karl Marx, 1818–1883), τη διαμόρφωσή της από τη θρησκευτική ηθική (Max Weber, 1864–1920) ή την εφαρμογή των στοιχειωδών αρχών της (εμπορίου) στην κατανόηση της λειτουργίας των θρησκευτικών συστημάτων (Rodney Stark).

ΨΥΧΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΑΣ

Στην ψυχολογία της θρησκείας το αντικείμενο της έρευνας υπάγεται στην ψυχολογία του ατόμου, και, παρά την επικράτηση ενός αναγωγικού ατομικισμού, διακρίνουμε ένα δομικό ενοποιητικό γνώρισμα: όλοι οι άνθρωποι διαθέτουν κοινούς ψυχολογικούς μηχανισμούς. Η ψυχολογία του William James (1842–1910) στρέφεται ενάντια στη φιλοσοφική αναγωγή της θρησκείας στην υπερβατική σφαίρα• οι ατομικές θρησκευτικές εμπειρίες, όπως η προφητεία, τα όνειρα, οι μυστικιστικές και υπερβατικές εκφάνσεις, αναγάγονται στο ανθρώπινο συναίσθημα και διαμορφώνουν τη θρησκευτική ζωή. Η ψυχανάλυση εκλαμβάνει τη θρησκεία ως προβολή των νευρωτικών διαταραχών της ψυχολογίας του ανθρώπου, που πηγάζουν από μια τραυματική παιδική ηλικία και βασίζονται στο πιο ισχυρό ανθρώπινο ένστικτο, τη σεξουαλικότητα (Sigmund Freud, 1856–1939). Άλλες φορές, η αναλυτική ψυχολογία, με τη μορφή της ψυχολογίας του βάθους, αναγνωρίζει στη θρησκεία ένα φυσιολογικό μηχανισμό εκδήλωσης μιας πανανθρώπινης ψυχολογίας, του συλλογικού ασυνειδήτου, το οποίο εκφράζεται με εικόνες και σύμβολα ή δογματικά, λειτουργικά και διανοητικά, με τα αρχέτυπα, που είναι κοινά σε όλες τις θρησκείες (Carl G. Jung, 1875–1961). Στην εποχή μας, η ψυχολογία της θρησκείας γνωρίζει ιδιαίτερη άνθιση στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες της Αμερικής. Εμπειρικά δεδομένα, ψυχομετρικά και στατιστικά στοιχεία συνδυάζονται με το λειτουργισμό και την κοινωνιολογία, παρέχοντας μια αναγωγική μεθοδολογία για την εξήγηση της ανθρώπινης θρησκευτικής ψυχολογίας (C. Daniel Batson• W. Larry Ventis).

ΔΟΜΙΣΜΟΣ

Οι εξελίξεις στον τομέα της γλωσσολογίας και η προσπάθεια κατανόησης της λειτουργίας του ανθρώπινου νου συνέβαλαν στην ανάπτυξη του δομισμού και σε μια καινοτόμα μελέτη του μύθου. Ο μύθος, όπως και η γλώσσα, απαρτίζει ένα σύστημα επικοινωνίας, του οποίου το νόημα αποκαλύπτεται όταν διαχωρίζονται και αναλύονται τα δύο επίπεδα λειτουργίας του: το εμφανές αφηγηματικό μήνυμα και οι υπολανθάνουσες δομές του. Τα δομικά αυτά στοιχεία εκφράζονται με διπολικές αντιθέσεις, ενώ η κατάλληλη ανασύνθεση και συνδυασμός τους αποκαλύπτει το νόημά τους (Claude Lévi-Strauss, 1908–2009).

ΣΗΜΕΙΟΛΟΓΙΑ

Με τη γενίκευση της γλωσσολογίας σε μια θεωρία των σημείων οδηγούμαστε στην επιστήμη της σημειολογίας, η οποία αναλαμβάνει να καταδείξει τους μηχανισμούς παραγωγής νοήματος. Οι μύθοι είναι φορείς νοημάτων και απαρτίζονται από επιμέρους σημεία/νοήματα, που ανάγονται σε άλλα σημεία-τμήματα του ευρύτερου προκαθορισμένου νοηματικού συστήματος της ανθρώπινης επικοινωνίας. Ωστόσο, μέσα στο μύθο τα σημεία επισυνάπτουν νέες σημασιολογικές σχέσεις, συνθέτοντας, έτσι, μια μετα-γλώσσα (Roland

ΓΝΩΣΙΑΚΗ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΟΛΟΓΙΑ

Δεν θα μπορούσαμε να παραλείψουμε από αυτήν τη σύντομη επισκόπηση μια αρκετά υποσχόμενη, στις μέρες μας, προσέγγιση μελέτης της θρησκείας, τη γνωσιακή. Με την παρατήρηση ότι στη δομή του ανθρώπινου εγκεφάλου και στον τρόπο λειτουργίας του οφείλονται οι κοινές μορφές συμπεριφοράς και νόησης, γίνεται προσπάθεια για μια κατανόηση της διαδικασίας με την οποία ο άνθρωπος αντιλαμβάνεται και μεταδίδει τη θρησκευτική σκέψη και συμπεριφορά. Η γνωσιακή θρησκειολογία διακρίνεται για τη διεπιστημονικότητά της, καθώς αντλεί από ένα ευρύ φάσμα επιστημών, όπως τη γνωσιακή και εξελικτική ψυχολογία και ανθρωπολογία, τις νευρο-επιστήμες και τη βιολογία (Dan Sperber• Stewart Guthrie• Harvey Whitehouse).

RELIGIOUS INTERACTION IN PTOLEMAIC ALEXANDRIA

The relationships between Greece and Egypt started long before the arrival of the Alexander the Great and the Ptolemies in Egypt. The first literary evidence for the Greek presence in Egypt is in Herodotus. First there is the mention of a Samian merchant who was on his way to Egypt when he was carried off course to the west; this trip probably happened about 638 BC. Thus we can assume that there was at least a casual trade visit by Greeks about the middle of the seventh century. The second information which we take again from Herodotus concerns the reign period of Psammetichus I. According to an oracle he hired as mercenaries Ionian and Carian pirates and used them to prevail in Egypt. As reward gave them two pieces of land on either side of the Pelusian Branch of the Nile. That was the beginning of a regular intercourse with the Egyptians.[1]

Ptolemaic Egypt is a tale of two cultures. Differing in ethos, focus, and aspiration, these cultures initially maintained a wary coexistence, in which convenience and the balance of power generated a viable degree of cooperation usually sufficiently effective to mask their mutual distaste.[2] As consequence, the Egyptians became Hellenized and the Greeks Egyptianized.

Religion is perhaps the most impressive example of cross-cultural interaction. This paper aims to present the encounter in religion in the image of the gods and their religious content.    

In Ptolemaic Egypt, and especially in Alexandria, the propagation of Egyptian religion was restricted to the Osirian cycle. The great triad Osiris, Isis and Horus became popular in the form of Sarapis, Isis and Harpocrates. It was also known among the biggest part of the Greek population as Dionysus, Demeter and Apollo, an identification, which was known in as early as the 5^th century B.C., but not only with these names.[3] These gods, as we will see for each one of them, were identified in more than one way with the Greek gods. From an artistic point of view, the Alexandrian technique and modes of expression were able to give a different and more complex image to the Egyptian gods, contributing to the philosophical and theological work.[4]

During the second and first centuries B.C. the worship of Isis and Sarapis spread rapidly from Alexandria throughout the Hellenistic world, carried by merchants, travelers and soldiers. Finally, although these three gods had a major role in the Ptolemaic religion, many others, Greek and Egyptian, gods were worshipped and in many cases they were identified with their counterparts in the other religion. (see the following table)

Egyptian Deity	Greek Deity	Location in Herodotus
Ptah	Hephaestus	II.3.1,112.1
Horus	Apollo	II.144.2
Osiris	Dionysus	II.42.2,144.2
Isis	Demeter	II.59.2
Set	Typhon	II.144.2
Bubastis	Artemis	II.137.2
Ammun	Zeus	II.42
Hathor	Aphrodite	II.42
Neith	Athena	II.28.1

Egyptian deities with Greek equivalents mentioned by Herodotus.[5]

But as we already mention this paper will deal with Sarapis, Isis and Harpocrates. These three deities represent good examples of religious interaction, and especially when they get inside the context of Alexandria. As H.I. Bell supported, “From the first Alexandria seemed destined for its role of a melting-pot in which Greece and Egypt could meet and contribute their several quotas to a hybrid culture”.[6]

SARAPIS

Ptolemy I understood from the early years of his reign that he needed to create a harmonious relationship between the Greek emigrants and the native Egyptian population, and the way to do that was to create a unique, new religious system for both of them.  For this reason he asked for the help of the Greek Timotheus, who was a member of a priestly family, related to the Eleusinian mysteries, and the Egyptian Manetho, priest and historian.[7] These two men and their immense knowledge of each culture’s religious traditions enabled Ptolemy to create a cult that pleased both the Greeks and the Egyptians. Ptolemies in fostering the cult of the new, or at least revamped and syncretistic deity Sarapis, offered some common focus of devotion. The cult of Sarapis brought the Greeks and the Egyptians together in such a way that they were able to support Ptolemy in their own individual way while still sharing a common belief.

Sarapis was the official god of Alexandria, the symbol of Alexandrian religion. He had a double nature, Greek and Egyptian. Because of his double nature, he was the ruler of the underground world and Heaven as well. As Egyptian, he was the substitute for Osiris. In fact, by his name, he was the Hellenized form of the name of the sacred bull Apis, who was worshipped in Memphis, in the Late Period, as Osiris-Apis, the deceased or Osirianized Apis, who became Osiris after his death.[8]Therefore, Osiris-Apis, who was adopted as Osirapis, became Sarapis. According to a myth related to his invention, a dream revealed to Ptolemy a statue of Hades or Pluto at Sinope or Pontus.[9] This statue was imported to Alexandria and the priests concluded that this statue was Osiris-Apis, who became Sarapis. Therefore, he was linked to the aspects of Osiris, such as the god of dead and fertility.

As Greek, he was identified with Greek gods such as Dionysos, who was the god of sex, wine, and mysteries, Pluto (Hades), who was the Greek god-ruler of the underground world, Zeus, who was the father of the Olympian gods and Asklepios who was the god of medicine.[10] In fact, Greeks seem to have assimilated him to the whole Greek pantheon.[11]

The cultic centre of Sarapis was Alexandria. The Sarapeion was the name of his temple. This temple was built in Greek style, designed by the Greek architect, Parmeniscus. The liturgical language of his cult was Greek.[12] He was also an oracular god for those who traveled or wanted to pray for an absent person. The Greek sculptor Bryaxis seems to have made his statue. However, Stambaugh[13] suggested that Bryaxis was responsible for Sarapis’s Memphite statue and not for the Alexandrian one.

Sarapis was Egyptian in origin but Greek in fashion. He is usually depicted as an old man with patriarchal head, close to that of Zeus. He has luxuriant hair and along beard. On his head, he carries a modius, the basket-symbol of fertility.

His body is covered with a rich cloak. In many instances, in one of his hands, he holds a sceptre, while in the other he holds the chain of a three-head dog, well-known from the Greek mythology as Cerberus, the guardian of the doors of the underground world. In addition, coins of Ptolemies II-IV illustrate his relation to Osiris by depicting Sarapis as Zeus with the Atef crown, the typical crown of Osiris.[14]                                         

It should be noticed that for the Egyptians Sarapis was still a form of Osiris in Memphis or merely the Greek name for the ancient Osiris. Contrarily to the promotion and the expectations of the religious policy, which engendered it, there was little response in Egypt to the figure of Sarapis. However, from the 4^th century onwards, his cult together with that of Isis was rapidly spread throughout the Mediterranean world, and in some regions of the Ptolemaic Empire such as Thera and Cyprus, there is occasional evidence of the associations of his cult with the cult of Ptolemies.[15]

ISIS

Isis was the goddess of the great triad, who had a long history in Egyptian religion. She was the wife of Sarapis, since she was the wife of Osiris during the Dynastic Period. However, the cults of Isis and Sarapis were separated.[16] She was also the mother of Horus, who had the name Harpocrates in the Ptolemaic Period. Her cult was the most popular cult in Egypt and in the Hellenistic world.

Isis was an Egyptian goddess with many faces and she was known as the goddess with a thousand names. The Greeks were already familiar with her, since she had a temple in Piraeus, before the time of Alexander the Great. She was also identified with many Greek goddesses, such as Aphrodite, who was the goddess of love, beauty and desire, Demeter, who was the goddess of grains and agriculture and who was also connected with mysteries, Hera, who was the wife of Zeus, Tyche, who was the deity of luck, Hecate, who was the deity of the poor people and Artemis, who was the goddess of hunting and wild animals.[17] She was also the goddess of sailors and navigation.[18]

Isis had no single authoritative model for her image. She is young and often slender. Usually, she wears an Egyptian style distinctive dress, in Greek fashion, with a central knot below her breasts. Her attributes were the sistron, the discus and the situla, borrowed from the Egyptian tradition. Her hair was long floating or corkscrew curls, with or without further Egyptian headgear. The corkscrew curls are the indelible identifying feature of Greek representations of Isis: they were a creative adoption from earlier Greek sculpture, a kind of neo-archaic loan employed to suggest the age and otherness of the Egyptian goddess.[19] It should be noticed here that Isis, as mother of Horus, was a natural choice for a divinity with which the Ptolemaic queens could be linked.[20]

HARPOCRATES

Horus the child, Harpocrates, was the child god, son of Isis, in its Greek form. During the late Ptolemaic period, he was not distinguished from Horus the elder, Haroeris. He was identified with various Greek gods and deities, such as Apollo, Herackles, Helios. In his young form, he was associated with Eros, young Apollo and young Heracles. He also assumed the attributes of local deities with whom Amun-Re had been identified. Horus-Harpocrates’ symbol, remained the falcon, but sometimes was confused by the Greeks with the eagle.[21] 

Harpocrates was portrayed in different forms and shapes during the Ptolemaic period. He was usually presented as a child on a lotus flower, or rising out from a chalice. Sometimes, he was depicted with his mother Isis curing or suckling him. His finger in his lips, the symbolic manifestation of his infancy, sometimes was interpreted as a command to the faithful to be silent, concerning the mysteries of the religion.[22] Finally, he frequently wears the double crown of Upper and Lower Egypt or the crown of Osiris.[23] This aspect may be interpreted within the context of his Egyptian nature, since according to the myth of Osiris, Horus replaced his father as a king among the living.[24]

          In concluding even if it appears that the Greek settlers did not at once forget their ancestral gods, though they showed no reluctance to adopt the Egyptian deities also,[25] Alexandria, as a melting –pot, worked in such a way that at the produced this new triad (Sarapis, Isis and Harpocrates), which is a very good example of the religious interaction between Greeks and Egyptians. Ptolemy I understood that he should encouraged the cult of Sarapis and Isis. The Egyptian beauty and style were made visible and attractive to Greeks. In the long run it was not Sarapis, who made the impact but Isis. She was an enormously appealing figure; a wife, a savior, a mother, a woman who could be either seductive or pure or both at the same time. She nursed her child, Horus for the Egyptians and Harpocrates for the Greeks and she offered sustenance, forgiveness, hope for the suffering and immortality to the dying.[26] Thus with Isis in the front line of this triad Alexandria met a religious interaction which was able to bring together the Greeks and the Egyptians. Both of the communities were able to find in these deities characteristics which were familiar to them, while later they were able to accept also the characteristic of the others.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ashton, S.-A. The Last Queens of Egypt, Great Britain, 2003.

Bell, H.I. “Alexandria”, The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 13, 3/4, 1927: 171-184.

Bell, H. “Popular Religion in Graeco-Roman Egypt: I. The Pagan Period”, The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 34, 1948: 82-97.

Boardman, J. The Greeks Overseas. Their Early Colonies and Trade,1963

Ellis, M.W. Ptolemy of Egypt, London, 1994.

Hassan, F.A. Alexandria:Graeco-Roman Museum. A Thematic Guide, Cairo, 2002.

Herodotus, The Histories, Book II (transl. A. de Sélincourt), New York, 1972.

Hölbl, G. A History of the Ptolemaic Empire, London, 2001.

Kahil, L. “Cults in Hellenistic Alexandria”, in M. True and K. Hamma, Alexandria and Alexandrianism, Malibu, 1996: 75-84.

Lloyd, A.B. “The Ptolemaic Period (332-30 BC)”, in I. Shaw, The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford, 2003: 388-413.

Mercer, S.A.B. The Religion of Ancient Egypt, London, 1949.

Shaw, I. and Nicholson, P.T. The British Museum Dictionary of Ancient Egypt, London, 2002.

Smith, R.R.R. Hellenistic Sculpture. A Handbook, New York, 1991.

Welles, C.B. Alexander and the Hellenistic World, Toronto, 1970.

Witt, R.E. Isis in the Graeco-Roman World, Ithaca and New York, 1971.

---

[1] Boardman, 1963, 114.

[2] Lloyd, 2003, 388.

[3] Mercer, 1949, 412.

[4] Kahil, 1996, 78.

[5] Herodotus, Book II.

[6] 1927, 173.

[7] Ellis, 1994, 31.

[8] Mercer, 1949,  408.

[9] Ibid, 409.

[10] Ashton, 2003, 12-13.

[11] Mercer, 1949, 410.

[12] Cerny, 1952, 137.

[13] Stambaugh, 1972, 21.

[14] Hölbl, 2001, 100.

[15] Ibid, 101.

[16] Welles, 1970, 197.

[17] Witt, 1971, 20;52.

[18] Mercer, 1949, 412.

[19] Smith, 1991, 76.

[20] Ashton, 2003, 117.

[21] Mercer, 1949, 412-413.

[22] Ibid, 412.

[23] Hassan, 2002, 117.

[24] Shaw and Nicholson, 1995, 214.

[25] Bell, 1948, 86.

Shinto - a Philosophical Introduction

Do not read the US government's explanation of Shinto. It is wrong! You will only find the following, correct, explanation here! This is a potted version of my master's thesis, published for the first time here on the internet. The views expressed here are my own and have noconnection to the The Shinto Online Network Association, for which I am the International Liaison Officer.

 

Is Shinto a Religion?	The Structure of Shinto	Geographical Totemism
Japanese Society and Place	Shinto and the Japanese Family	Shinto And Postmodern Philosophy
How is Shinto Done?	Books on Shinto	Some Shinto Links
The Shinto Trinity	The Cool Part about Shinto	Norito (Shinto Prayers)
Shinto Mailing List	The Shinto Online Network Association	The Compiler
Shinto BLOG	The Kojiki

New Entries will go into the Shinto Blog

Is Shinto a religion?

A lot of people who are religious like to deny it. "Me? I am not religious", they say, "I know that Jesus is Lord... But that is not religious, it is a historical fact". They say. And Shintoist too, are particularly unlikely to see their behaviour as being "religious". They may have had their car purified, they may have asked their local god for good luck before their university entrance examinations or making investments, such as via Thomas Ek Fisher Investments, they are likely to go to a shrine every year on New Year's Day. But if asked if they are religious they will say, "Who me? This is not religion. This is just a custom. Just, well, the normal thing to do". ho ho.

To verify the fact that Shinto practitioners do not see their behavior as being religious, I carried out a survey asking visitors to a Shinto shrine "Do you believe in God?", "Are you religious?", and "How much money would I have to pay you to go home today without having prayed?". While those that answered "yes" to the first two questions were in the minority, to the third question, all except one of the 40 respondents replied "I would not do home without praying, no matter how much money you gave me." It was apparent that some of the some of the respondents were slightly offended to be asked. The single respondent that would have excepted the money to go home without praying defined himself as a Christian.

From this it is clear that: those that practice Shinto do not regard it as a religion, but neither to they regard their behaviour as entirely secular and mundane. The reasons why Shinto is not seen as a religion are various. Principally, the image of a religion held by many Japanese is of an organisation which one joins, and which stipulates various ways in which one should behave according to some kind of teaching or scripture. If Shinto had an organisation once it lacks one now. Shinto has always lacked a scripture, other than the myths which explain the origin of Japan but are not proscriptive in any way. Other than myths and legends of this sort Shinto has hardly any oral tradition. Lacking an organisation and any linguistic formulation of how one should behave, Shinto is particularly transparent. Rather than an oral tradition all Shinto seems to possess is a bodily tradition - one sees the body of another, one imitates, the practice is transferred. Prayer is matter of movement - before god one bows twice, claps ones hands twice and bows again. The festivals of Shinto are predominantly linked to the calendar - the new years festival, the harvest festival - and thus do not seem to require any justification by scripture or as commemorative event.

While Shinto is very different from the Judaic religions and even Indian Buddhism, it does in my view contain sufficient points of commonality to allow it to be compared these and to be called a religion. In Shinto there is prayer to and worship of something transcendent, not part of the mundane physical world. And more than this, Shinto like Christianity and other world religions has, I believe, a structure which structures Japanese society and in particular the family, in much the same way as the "philosophy" of Christianity structures the societies of the Christian West.

Geographical Totemism

To cut a long story short, I think that Shinto can be best be understood as a form ofgeographical totemism  as referred to by Durkheim and Freud. As mentioned above the sacred in Shinto is almost invariably linked with a particular geographical location. In Shinto, God is something that you can point to, it is "there". The shrine or "jinja" is contains or enshrines a thing, but it is also a sacred site. The god-body of the shrine may be a mountain, a tree, a rock or other natural feature but most importantly it will be the thing in that place. And that place have create a possess a particular atmosphere. The god or gods that resides there may have certain qualities to bestow certain benefits. But above all the fundamental characteristic of a shrine is geographically defined point in space. Every aspect of the sacred site: its approach, its boundaries, its layers are all delineated in such a way as to emphasise its located-ness. The Entering the boundary one washes ones hands and mouth. One steps into the in sanctuary with ones left foot first and before one leaves one bows. Generally speaking, traditionally one worships only the god or gods of shrine located in the geographical proximity of ones home. And most importantly, one considers oneself to be the child of that shrine, that location.

It is a striking thing to believe, to believe oneself to be the child of a location. Freud and Durkheim considered a similar form of "geographical totemism" to be the most "primitive", the earliest form of religion found in human society since, in the societies of central Australia the tribesmen denied the existence of fatherhood. Here I will not consider the possible connections between worship a place and the absence of the belief in fatherhood except to note that fatherhood often said to be have been weak through out Japanese history (other than the Meiji & pre-war period) and even "absent" in present day Japan. Instead I concentrate simply on the localised nature of Shinto and show how this reflects, and may be said to have had a profound affect on Japanese society.

Japanese Society and Place

The title of Nakane Chie's tremendously popular book on Japanese society "Tateshakai no Ningen Kankei" (Human relationships in a Vertically Orientated Society) seems to be describing Japan as a hierarchy -- a misapprehension that the Nakane was at pains to correct in her subsequent publications -- made the following two assertions. The fundamental building block of Japanese society is not the individual in the Western sense but the small group. The distinguishing characteristic of Japanese small groups is that they contain the essential element of a space, a place where they are founded. A few example few examples of way in which an importance placed on places are as follows :

• Marriage was described as being "Going to be a bride" in the sense that it was not an arrangement between the husband and wife, nor even between the wife and the husbands family, but a physical movement whereby on person enters and becomes a member of another household space.
• One may describe one's husband or wife as "uchi no hito" the person from my house;
• Japanese marriages are between houses in the sense only maintain in Britain by aristocracy, the lineage of the Japanese family is sometimes described as being a dual lineage (with matrilineal and patrilineal lines of descent) but it is in fact more correct to say that the Japanese family is, as one Japanese scholar describes it "house linear" -- the line of descent is determined by who lives in the house.
• The Japanese family still maintains the ancient Japanese tradition of keeping a "honseki" or record of where people originate from. Now that this register has been taken over by the state legal system it is possible to move ones register but, marriage still means physically moving ones documentation to the register of another household. This is not simply place of birth a geographically defined social grouping which one might call "place of family".
• One does not ask someone "Which company do you work for" but "Where (is the) company that you work for"
• All groups, whether they are university clubs of research groups feel lacking unless they have a place, a foot hold, somewhere where they can call home.
• The Japanese are very sensitive to place and appropriate behaviour in respect of that place. Behaviour that is acceptable in one location is unacceptable in another. In side the work place one is encouraged to behave in a highly respectful manner towards one's boss.After work, as long as one is in the workplace the situation does not change. But as soon as the one moves to the pub the manner of behaviour is likely to change radically to the extent that the distinction between boss and worker may dissolve. Rules are place bound.
• More extreme examples are the Japanese tolerance of red-light districts and crime syndicates. If the brothel is a certain part of town then it is acceptable. If the organised crime syndicate puts up a sign saying "we are here" then as long as every one knows where they are, then even they are acceptable.
• Conversely those that are not acceptable in Japanese society, for example the burakumin(a name which when literally translated means the people from the settlement) are again confined to one place. The burakumin are said to be outcast because of their involvement with the slaughter of livestock and treatment of leather and other activities considered impure by Japanese Buddhism. They are also impure by virtue of where they come from. They come from the impure place. They are delineated from the rest of the society precisely by were it is that they come from.
• Sumo, the national sport of Japan, consists of a battle to defend a space, which is sacred. This year the major of Oosaka was refused permission to enter the Sumo ring since, as a woman, she is considered to be impure. But that is another story.

In sum, we may go as far as to say that in Japan, due to the polytheistic geographically located nature of its religion Shinto, there is no universal god nor are there universal rules. There are instead locationally defined norms of behaviour.

Shinto and the Japanese Family

The connection between these features of Japanese society and Shinto should be clear. The worship of sacred sites encourages the Japanese to have certain values and certain ways of seeing organisation - particularly in spatial terms. People are seen as being linked together by the fact that they share the same environment, the same atmosphere, the same space. The maintenance of such spaces and environments is considered to be important. The religion Shinto fostered that way of perceiving the world. And that way of perceiving the world encouraged the Japanese people to maintain the Shinto religion. In the specific case of the family, family members are defined by, and bound to the family by their shared attitude toward the home. They are people that go home to a particular place and strive to maintain and improve the conditions therein. By so doing they believe that they will live happily and harmoniously according to their nature. This is simply, from a Shinto view point, what humans do. Or rather this is simply what is natural for Japanese humans, that is to say humans that are from the geographical region Japan. The concept of "human" is a non spatially limited and therefore, under this world view, somewhat bogus. Americans, who have grown up in a different environment, are different.

I have defined Shinto as a form of geographic totemism and in turn as spacio-centrism or place orientated-ness. But is this enough? How much does structure does a society need? The principles of Christianity are fairly simple. Humans are all children of one god and they all have the same good - to "love", where "love" is considered to be a unity and even god itself). This formula is simple and yet sufficient to organise societies in a very different to and yet they are enough to organise western society, and indeed the Western family, in different way to Japan. Upon the principle of love Western men and women may be united in marriage under the presumption of having the same, Christian, goal.

From a Japanese point of view this Christianity's supposed goal is bogus since men and women are seen to have different goals. Just as from a Christian view point it is bogus to think that humans have the natural propensity to create and delineated, sacred places.

Shinto And Postmodern Philosophy There is a lot that could be said about the connection between Shinto and postmodern philosophy. It was this apparent connection that originally interested me in the study of Shinto in the first place. I have not done it justice but it is a start.

Books on Shinto If you really want to know about shinto then come to Japan. If you don't have then time to come to Japan then you could try reading some books on Shinto in Japanese. If you don't have the time to learn Japanese then there is nothing for it but to read some books on Shinto in English- but beware of anyone like me, that would tell you what Shinto is, or even what Shinto is not. 

Some Shinto Links (Partly thanks to Michael Critz)

Basic Terms of Shinto. An online searchable dictionary provided by Kokugakuin University. With some photographs.

Cyber Shrine Photographs of shrines in my, the Northern Kyushu region and the chance to pull a Shinto Fortune cookie.

Ise Shrine The shrine of the Sun goddess and as such, of the ancestor of the emperors, and the most sacred place in Japan, maybe.

The international Shinto Foundation I thought that this was purely an academic organisation, and it does hold academic conferences but I have also heard rumour that it is rather partisan and a little like a religions organisation in itself. And why not. Includes a brief answer to the question "What is Shinto"

A Brief History of Shinto There are lots of histories of Shinto but there are few philosophies of Shinto. One always comes away from books about it knowing a lot of facts about the thing but not what it is. This is a pretty Shinto way of describing Shinto.

Shauweckers Guide to Shinto A good glossary of terms and introduction to the fundamental beliefs.

Shinto: The Way of the Gods By N. Alice Yamada Another introduction to Shinto with some nice photographs.

Osamu's Shinto World of Enlightenment In Japanese and English (side by side) with an invitation to read his as yet unpublished book on Shinto

Tsubaki America Shrine A shrine in continental America that sells Shinto related supplies. Address: 1545 West Alpine - Stockton CA 95204, ph. 209-466-5323 - fax. 209-463-1826, email:TsubakiAmerica@bigplanet.com.

Kannagara Jinjya A shrine in continental America that sells Shinto related supplies. Rev.  Koichi Barrish, 17720 Crooked Mile Rd. - Granite Falls, WA 98252, ph. 360-691-6389 - fax. 360-691-638. email: Kannagara@prodigy.net

Shinto Mailing list I am the moderator for the English version of the Shinto Online Network Association ML. You are welcome to join if you are interested in Shinto, whether or not you know anything about Shinto and whatever the level of your English. Kannushisan ha tokuni kanngeishimasu.

The Cool Part about Shinto

Will have to wait to next time. It is cool though. The more I think about it the more I think that I don't think that I am ever going to write this. The beauty of Shinto is a secret. You have to try it to find out.